As the campaigns of the National Democratic Congress (NDC) and New Patriotic Party (NPP) battle over whether the upcoming election is a choice between “reset” or “upgrade”, there is another critically important issue which cannot be ignored – trust in the country’s institutions.
As I mentioned in my midweek op-ed piece reflecting on Dr. Bawumia’s media engagement, the issue of trust emerged within the context of promises made during the 2016 election and current realities. My takeaway from the question was that, in addition to promoting his policies, Dr. Bawumia must find a way to convince voters to take their chances with him. In essence, he must convince them to trust him, despite the current realities faced by this government.
Dr. Bawumia is not the only one who must pass the trust test. All the other candidates making promises to Ghanaians must also pass the trust test.
However, in my opinion, the trust question in this election is bigger than the candidates – it goes to the heart of strengthening Ghana’s democracy. The question for our candidates is this – how do they plan to restore the public’s deteriorating trust in institutions?
The Trust Crisis
Ghana’s institutions are facing a major trust crisis, with fewer citizens expressing “a lot” of trust in them. This is worrying for two key reasons – a) good governance; and b) democratic consolidation.
The Afrobarometer survey, over nine rounds, captures this trust crisis very well. To appreciate fully the crisis, here is what has happened between the initial round (1999) and the most recent round of available data (2022). The focus is on the percentage of Ghanaians who express trusting institutions “a lot.” It is the highest level of trust, I believe, institutions must aim for as they carry out their respective mandates.
Trust in law enforcement and security institutions. Between Round 1 (1999) and Round 9 (2022), trust in the police (-12%) and the courts (-15%) declined. In the most recent round (2022), only seven percent (7%) of Ghanaians expressed “a lot” of trust in the police, and ten percent (10%) in the courts of the courts of law.
Trust in elected institutions. Between Round 1 (1999) and Round 9 (2022), trust in parliament (-25%) and elected assembly men and women (-17%) declined. In the most recent round (2022), only eight percent (8%) of Ghanaians expressed “a lot” of trust in parliament, and five percent (5%) in elected assembly men and women. Trust in the presidency question was first asked in Round 2 (2002). Between that year and Round 9 (2022), trust declined by twenty-one percentage points (-21%). In the most recent round (2022) fourteen percent (14%) expressed “a lot” of trust in the presidency.
Trust in non-elected institutions. Between Round 1 (1999) and Round 9 (2022), trust in the electoral commission (-21%) and traditional rulers (-27%) declined. In the most recent round (2022), only eleven percent (11%) of Ghanaians expressed “a lot” of trust in the electoral commission, and five percent (5%) in traditional rulers. Questions about trust in political parties (ruling and opposition) were first asked in Round 2 (2002). Between that year and Round 9 (2022), trust in ruling parties declined by twenty-six percentage points (-26%) and in opposition parties by sixteen percentage points (-16%). In the most recent round (2022), nine percent (9%) expressed “a lot” of trust in the ruling party and seven percent (7%) in opposition parties.
The trust crisis is further deepened by worsening perceptions of institutional corruption. For example, when Afrobarometer asks “how many are involved in corruption?” the percentage of Ghanaians answering “none of them” has declined between Round 1 (1999) and Round 9 (2022) – a) judges and magistrates (11% to 3%); b) Parliament (17% to 3%); c) Presidency (39% to 4%); and d) Assembly men and women (20% to 8%).
Implications for the 2024 Elections
This is the current state of how Ghanaians feel about the country’s institutions. This must concern everyone given the role each of these institutions play in ensuring good governance and democratic development.
The manifestos of the two main parties (NDC & NPP) contain ideas and proposals to address governance issues such as a) fighting corruption; b) reducing the number of ministers; c) banning political appointees and politically exposed persons from purchasing state assets; and d) constitutional reforms.
All these are important and can help address identified gaps in Ghana’s democracy and governance architecture. And hopefully, when fully executed, will help solve this institutional crisis.
As the candidates and party travel the length and breadth of Ghana, and as Ghanaians continue to weigh whether the country needs a “reset” or an “upgrade,” we cannot afford the luxury of not asking “how do our presidential candidates plan to restore the public’s deteriorating trust in institutions?”
Prof. John Osae-Kwapong is a Democracy and Development (D&D) Fellow at the Ghana Center for Democratic Development (CDD-Ghana) and the Project Director at The Democracy Project.
